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Conservatives need to argue as lovers: As we woo the person across from us, we are funny, self-effacing, merciful, and confident.
Death rights advocates can only win supporters by calling the act of killing something else.
The Left is adopting a Rousseauian view of religion’s role in public life: the state is to determine where, when, and how religious instruction should be permissible for citizens.
To demand that we recognize same-sex romantic relationships as marriages, and teach our children so, is to prevent them from discovering reality.
If our military is to lower its rate of sex crimes, it must limit its members’ consumption of pornography and educate them about its risks.
Redefining marriage will make it harder for our children to develop their self-understanding and will sanction procreative methods that treat children like commodities.
Darwin’s evolutionary theory doesn’t ask us to “overlook” how we usually “behold the face of nature,” but instead asks us to consider more carefully what we do see.
It doesn’t advance women’s equality or wellbeing for the law to allow late-term abortions for any reasons pertinent to a woman’s “health.”
In The Little Way of Ruthie Leming, Rod Dreher eulogizes his little sister with a hagiography worthy of St. Therese herself, while also evaluating his own relationships—to people and to place—according to the virtue of stability proposed by St. Benedict.
After the French protests against same-sex marriage, we can no longer speak of redefined marriage as inevitable or enlightened.
Abstinence education today is a public health intervention, based on science and evidence, using sound pedagogy and methodology, to deliver a sound health message to young men and women, primarily in school settings.
Obama’s re-election was not inevitable. He won because he secured the votes he absolutely needed and convinced many others simply not to vote.
The Boy Scouts’ new policy allowing openly gay members will fall to aggressive gay rights activists if not first to its own incoherence.
Natural law does not demand capitalism, but we can deduce from natural law that some institutions that are key to market economies are normally just, while practices key to socialist arrangements are usually unjust.
Our language about sexuality is dominated by public health, with its talk of risk, “protection,” health, choice, and rights. In so doing we scoff at babies—the crowning glory of human creativity—and where they come from.
Kermit Gosnell was not sentenced to life imprisonment for sloppiness, for insensitivity, for bad keepsakes, for a backed up drain, for fleas, or even for making women suffer. He was sentenced to life imprisonment for murdering three babies.
It is neither the impossibility of writing clear laws nor our inability to witness abortion that stops us from making it illegal. Instead it is the will to kill for convenience that drives some people to sustain the fiction that human life begins at birth.
Is the fundamental and essential point of forming the polity the polity itself, or is the polity primarily a means of protecting and achieving many other valuable ends?
Our arguments for limited government should recognize political community as an intrinsic good, not mistake it for a merely instrumental one.
The just way to settle the marriage debate is to delink from marriage any benefits that apply to any group of people who cohabit and comingle assets, while preserving marriage as a permanent and exclusive union of a man and a woman to provide the optimal setting for raising children.
Kermit Gosnell has been the equivalent of the American slave-dealer—someone who has done work rendered absolutely necessary by the twisted laws of his regime, but who has nevertheless been ignored or regarded with unease, and even repulsion, by his fellow citizens.
We don’t need a new resolution from Congress to address the wrongs of clinics like Kermit Gosnell’s—the Born-Alive Infants Protection Act already serves that purpose, and we should restore the civil penalties originally attached to it.
The Gosnell case shows us that a society’s laws teach, and if they teach a lesson of injustice they will corrupt its people over time. Indeed, contemporary abortion jurisprudence undermines the very notion of natural rights and constitutional government.