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Public officials—especially the President—are obligated to protect the intrinsic equal dignity of all human beings, regardless not only of sex and race, but also without regard to age, size, condition of dependency, vulnerability, or the esteem of others. Abortion and embryo-destructive research are profound and lethal violations of this principle of equality to which the law (and the President) must respond.
Introducing a Public Discourse symposium on the 2012 election.
In response to pro-choice appeals to autonomy in support of abortion, we feminists should advocate that parents—both mothers and fathers—have binding duties to their unborn child as the product of their life-giving sexual act.
America’s laws and institutions come from a moral worldview shaped by Christian belief. They depend not on where her people came from, but on what they are willing to sacrifice to keep the experiment alive. Adapted from a keynote address delivered to the national gathering of CALL (Catholic Association of Latino Leaders).
The frequency with which terrorists are found with pornography raises important questions about the possible effects of pornography on our national security.
Contraception does not respond to an authentic healthcare need, and the state acts untruthfully and beyond its legitimate authority when it mandates contraception coverage.
The balanced budget amendment would rob the federal government of an essential power.
An important book from the 1980s can teach today’s Republican presidential candidates the importance of classical conservatism.
Prejudices of secular and religious groups alike stand in the way of successful crime reduction efforts.
John Locke is an illustration of how social contract theory distorts sound political reasoning.
In a discipline whose point is dispassionate reasoning and discourse, some would shut down debate and silence dissenters on a deep and complex moral-political issue. And the view they would anathematize, far from irrational, is more coherent and more compelling than their slippery and ill-defined 'default'.
Arguments for traditional urbanism are de facto truth claims about nature and human nature, and point to and are supported by the natural law. Why we can and should think normatively about our building patterns. Part two of two.
Arguments for traditional urbanism are de facto truth claims about nature and human nature, and point to and are supported by the natural law. Why we can and should think normatively about our building patterns. Part one of two.
Race and sex play qualitatively different roles in our interactions with each other, making sex rationally relevant to our social and political policies in a way that race is not.
A recent Supreme Court case reveals a division amongst conservatives over the moral foundations of the law.
As the call for freedom advances in Muslim-majority countries, we have good reason to be optimistic that religious freedom will increase as well.
By the year 2020, the Islamic nations of the Mediterranean Basin will resound with positive cries for democracy, human rights, individual liberty, and the dignity of every man, woman, and child.
To take offense does not free us from further argument or criticism. Instead, offense demands ongoing criticism between partners in ethical discourse as a recognition of their fundamental human equality.
Those who care for the severely disabled and dependent testify to our sense that they are part of the human community.
Marital love implies dependence on another instead of autonomy, and it shows that certain goods (sex and procreation, love and marriage, marriage and parenthood) are connected. We must recover the language of self-giving. The second in a two-part series.
The logic of contract and the movement to conquer nature have resulted in the triumph of autonomy and demise of the family. The first of a two-part series.
Metaphysics provides the crucial foundation for natural law, and our current intellectual climate is ripe for embracing metaphysical foundations once again. The third in a three-part series.
Acts are not made good or bad by our mere say-so. We must also examine the objective intention of our actions. The second in a three-part series.
A notion of “social practice” should guide the way we think about morality and politics. The first in a three-part series.