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Pillar

Politics & Law

The third pillar of a decent society is a just system of politics and law. Such a government does not bind all persons, families, institutions of civil society, and actors in the marketplace to itself as subservient features of an all-pervading authority. Instead, it honors and protects the inherent equal dignity of all persons, safeguards the family as the primary school of virtue, and seeks justice through the rule of law.

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Race and sex play qualitatively different roles in our interactions with each other, making sex rationally relevant to our social and political policies in a way that race is not.
A recent Supreme Court case reveals a division amongst conservatives over the moral foundations of the law.
With extremism losing momentum, there is hope that the Muslim Middle East is beginning once again to embrace the liberalism of early 20th-century Islam.
As the call for freedom advances in Muslim-majority countries, we have good reason to be optimistic that religious freedom will increase as well.
By the year 2020, the Islamic nations of the Mediterranean Basin will resound with positive cries for democracy, human rights, individual liberty, and the dignity of every man, woman, and child.
Our current economic debates underscore the case for an approach to political economy that rejects social contract theory and embraces a robust conception of human flourishing.
To take offense does not free us from further argument or criticism. Instead, offense demands ongoing criticism between partners in ethical discourse as a recognition of their fundamental human equality.
Whether or not one likes religious actors, they are here to stay. The issue is not whether but when and how religious actors will enter public life and shape political outcomes. The third in a three-part series.
We can no longer afford to hang on to secularization theories as we design policy for nations from Libya to Egypt, Iran to Pakistan, Nigeria to Indonesia, and the numerous other societies being reshaped by the partisans of God in the 21st century. The second in a three-part series.
The view of global politics taught by political scientists is the poorest possible preparation for the era of global politics in which we now live. As we address central geopolitical challenges, we must delve into the details of religion and religious actors. The first in a three-part series.
A healthy democracy depends on people of conviction working hard to advance their ideas in the public square—respectfully and peacefully, but vigorously and without apologies. We cannot simultaneously serve the poor and accept the legal killing of unborn children.
America has an obligation to look after its own interests.
Roe v. Wade could prove an unlikely source of pro-life conscience protection.
President Obama’s decision to refuse to defend DOMA is not an act of executive assertion so much as an expression of deep deference to the courts.
A leading Muslim scholar questions whether foundational texts of Islam really do prescribe death for leaving Islam.
A participant in the protests in Tahrir Square looks at the future of freedom in Egypt.
A new book by Noah Feldman explains how Roosevelt’s jurists came to power, and how their constitutional philosophies and disagreements shaped the court.
Whether the case involves pornography or genocide, there are times when authorities must intervene to protect human interests.
Though Christmas is a religious holiday, secularists should appreciate its great contribution to Western Civilization: the lesson that all men are equal in their fundamental human dignity.
One man’s biography becomes the story of jurisprudence when constitutional interpretation is governed by personality and politics.
Laws regulating immigration are analogous to those requiring the payment of taxes or the licensing of physicians. Granting amnesty to illegal immigrants is not in itself unjust, but it may be imprudent.
A new book by Hadley Arkes draws attention to the contradictions and ambiguities of the republic’s jurisprudence.
Abortion law is usually seen as a matter of constitutional law. Is it time for that to change?
In his latest book, law professor David A. Strauss attacks the idea of originalism and champions the “living Constitution.” Matt Franck explains why he’s wrong.

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